For Thailand’s rising progressive movement, electoral victory is just the first obstacle in a political system designed to resist change.

Suttasitt “Macky” Pottasak embodies the new face of Thai politics. Young, idealistic, and media-savvy, he left a career in television drama production in Bangkok to contest a rural parliamentary seat near his hometown of Nakhon Ratchasima. Against expectations, he defeated a powerful local political dynasty.

Now a candidate for the People’s Party, Macky campaigns wearing the straw hat and flying the flag of Luffy, the hero of the Japanese anime One Piece—a symbol that has become closely associated with youth-led protests across Asia. Through daily short videos explaining party policies, he reaches millions of voters on social media.

“Politics was made boring by older generations,” Macky says. “I want to make it fun. We don’t have money to buy votes. We’re ordinary citizens, but we’re determined to solve long-standing problems—and people can see that.”

Opinion polls suggest many Thai voters agree. As election day approaches, the People’s Party is consistently polling ahead of its rivals. But Thailand’s recent political history shows that winning the popular vote does not guarantee power.

A System Where Elections Do Not Decide Governments

Less than three years ago, Thailand’s progressive Move Forward Party stunned the country by winning the 2023 election. Its platform included sweeping political and economic reforms: curbing the power of the military, increasing corporate accountability, and amending the controversial lese majeste law, which carries harsh penalties for criticism of the monarchy.

Despite its victory, Move Forward was blocked from forming a government. The unelected Senate and the Constitutional Court intervened, dissolving the party and banning its leaders from politics. The court ruled that reforming the lese majeste law amounted to an attempt to overthrow the political system.

Today’s People’s Party is the direct successor to that movement. After years marked by fragile coalition governments, the removal of two prime ministers by the Constitutional Court, and a border conflict with Cambodia, Thailand’s reformists are once again seeking power—under a new name, but with the same ambitions.

Youthful Energy Meets Deep Economic Anxiety

At campaign rallies, the People’s Party continues to draw large, enthusiastic crowds. In Nakhon Ratchasima, party leader Natthaphong Ruengpanyawut—a 38-year-old former software engineer—was greeted like a pop star, swarmed by supporters eager for selfies and flower garlands.

On the ground, however, the party confronts harsh economic realities. Touring rural constituencies on e-scooters, Macky and his team pass rice fields, irrigation canals, and wooden village homes, listening to residents describe shrinking opportunities and rising debt.

Thailand now has one of the highest household debt levels in Asia. Economic growth is below 2% annually, lagging behind neighbouring countries. In many rural areas, decent jobs are scarce, forcing young people to migrate to cities.

“I don’t see anyone helping us escape poverty,” says village head La-or Kohsantea.
For workers like 28-year-old Kritsana Lohsantea, whose electronics factory job will disappear later this year, the decline of low-skill manufacturing—once the backbone of Thailand’s growth—has left few alternatives. Those jobs are increasingly moving to lower-cost countries such as Vietnam.

Demographic Decline and Social Care Challenges

Macky has also observed a rapidly ageing population. Thailand’s population has been shrinking for five consecutive years, and last year births fell by 10%—the steepest decline recorded globally.

With younger residents leaving villages, elderly people are often left without family support. Macky is proposing local training programmes and digital systems to coordinate caregivers for house-bound seniors, a policy aimed at addressing both unemployment and social care gaps.

A Platform for Structural Reform

The People’s Party distinguishes itself by prioritising long-term structural reform. Central to its agenda is rewriting Thailand’s military-drafted constitution, which grants sweeping powers to unelected institutions such as the Constitutional Court to constrain elected governments.

The party also wants to streamline bureaucracy, modernise education, reduce military influence, and rein in the power of large conglomerates. Constitutional reform will be put to voters in a referendum held alongside the election.

In contrast, the party’s main rivals—Bhumjaithai and Pheu Thai—have focused on populist promises and short-term economic relief.

Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul of Bhumjaithai has emphasised nationalism and security, citing his hard line during the Cambodia border conflict and his support for the military. Pheu Thai, long associated with populist economic policies, has promised daily millionaire prizes funded by the state.

Many economists argue such measures fail to address Thailand’s structural problems.
“These policies are like painkillers,” says Apichat Satitniramai of Thammasat University. “The more you use them, the less effective they become.”

Why Thailand’s Establishment Fears Reform

Since its founding in 2017—then as the Future Forward Party—the movement behind today’s People’s Party has been viewed as a threat by conservative elites. Its founder, billionaire entrepreneur Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit, openly argued that nearly every institution in Thailand needed reform.

Under military rule, senior army figures likened the party to Cold War-era communist insurgents. Thanathorn was later banned from politics over media shareholdings, and Future Forward was dissolved—sparking mass student protests and unprecedented calls for monarchy reform.

Despite repeated bans and dissolutions, public demand for change has continued to grow.

Another Victory, Another Block?

Polls suggest the People’s Party could win even more seats than its predecessors, though no party is expected to secure an outright majority in the 500-seat parliament. This time, the Senate is barred from choosing the prime minister—but few expect the path to power to be smooth.

Cases have already been filed against dozens of People’s Party figures with the National Anti-Corruption Commission over their support for lese majeste reform. Several candidates also face potential prison sentences.

“They’re afraid of us,” Thanathorn says. “They think banning our leaders will weaken us. In reality, we’re getting stronger.”

Democracy Without Power

Even if the People’s Party enters government, unelected institutions retain the authority to remove it. That is why constitutional reform remains its top priority—despite the likelihood of prolonged resistance.

“If Thailand were a functional democracy, none of this would have happened,” says Siripan Nogsuan Sawasdee of Chulalongkorn University. “Elections choose MPs, but they don’t decide who governs. That power still lies with elite networks and unelected institutions.”

As Thailand votes once again, the question is no longer whether progressives can win elections—but whether the system will ever allow them to rule.